Democracy is the illusion that the marginalized have power over the privileged. Change cannot be made from within a system. Those who are in power fear to lose that position, and therefore will never allow the system to strip them of it. Oppressive structures cannot be reformed. You cannot improve oppression; the only way to remove its influence is by destroying it outright. And, as history has proven, the only way to dismantle oppressive structures of power is through open revolution, not democracy
Don’t forget that in the past you had fucked up views and had soaked up oppressive ideology, including self directed and that you’ve said things or possibly even did things based on those views.
Don’t forget that it’s a constant lifelong process to defeat that in yourself and that you aren’t done yet, any more than anyone else.
Don’t lose sight of your issues, past or present or future because you think you’ve become ideologically pure. Avoid the trap of self righteousness and hypocrisy
Please don’t lose perspective. It’s important.
You must continue to decolonize your mind. It is a lifelong process.
Sometimes, we don’t know who is oppressed in our society until someone with privilege finally speaks out against that oppression. Because of that, we need to understand that there are things that we may say or that we may believe that were contributing to oppression, without us realizing it. Most of us have gone through this process already in learning about our own privileges. But you will never be fully freed from oppressive thinking.
We may strive to create a just and equitable world, but until the end of such a revolution, we must understand that there will be someone who is oppressed. There will be someone whose identity is invalidated, who is looked down upon for their physical appearance, who is treated unfairly because of their mental state, who is seen as “disgusting” because of who they love. We may not always see it, and that’s why there is value in paying attention, at noticing oppressive attitudes and structures, and working to tear them down.
You cannot champion equity when you do not look for inequities to correct.
(via smitethepatriarchy)
Let me clarify something, because it seems that people either refuse to read my initial essay about free speech, or they are choosing to remain ignorant.
“Free speech” is nothing but a shield used to protect ideas that actively harm the oppressed.
This is in reference to people calling themselves “champions” of free speech. The sorts of people like those in the alt-right, who actively and intentionally use “free speech” as an excuse to defend their harassment and violent rhetoric.
Now read it once again, thinking of these people. Why are they so adamant about defending “free speech”? Because if people finally stand up and say that speech deserves restrictions for the protection of social progress, the are no longer able to defend the open exhibition their bigoted, harmful ideas.
To make it absolutely clear: I am not against free speech. I am against the concept of the marketplace of ideas, as well as an absolutist approach to free speech. I believe that certain forms of speech should be restricted and/or censored for the general welfare of society. That’s what my essay was all about, the necessity of placing certain limits on free speech, and not holding it as a gold standard of civilization that should never be questioned.
You don’t end hate speech with more speech. The Internet has made the marketplace of ideas irrelevant, and “bad ideas” are no longer being pushed out, they’re just moving into certain corners of society, where they are allowed to fester, and as long as they exist, we cannot progress.
“Free speech” is nothing but a shield used to protect ideas that actively harm the oppressed.
Little-known fact—I am a fan of Magic: The Gathering.
Today’s announcement was amazing from a progressive point of view.
Wizards of the Coast is ending the name “Fat Packs” in favor of “Bundles,” which is an amazing start. Our society tends to throw the word “fat” around without knowing how it affects people dealing with body image issues, or how it seeks to reinforce sizeist marginalization. Removing the descriptor “fat” for a product is an acknowledgement that such a word is neither inviting nor empowering, and has no place in a game that is intended to be safe and welcoming for all people.
Additionally, the set after “Eldritch Moon” will be “Kaladesh,” which is described as a “diverse plane with many ethnicities – including, prominently, many humans who look Indian.” The first planeswalker revealed from this set is not only a person of color, but a woman of color, further adding to Magic’s diversity. Additionally, this is yet another new, female-identified planeswalker. For comparison, the last new, humanoid, male-identified planeswalker was Dack Fayden in 2014′s “Conspiracy” set (not counting Commander 2014). In the two years since, we’ve had three new planeswalkers introduced, who were all female-identified (Narset, Arlinn Kord, and now Saheeli Rai).
In a game that is dominated by straight, white men, increasing the diversity of figures seen in such a way not only extends the hand to a more diverse playerbase to the game, but also tells anyone who objects that they are no longer welcome. The way that Wizards of the Coast has handled Magic in the past years, from inclusion of diverse identities; to taking a zero-tolerance policy towards sex offenders as players; to openly supporting the trans and gender-nonconforming community in events; is nothing short of incredible, and exactly the kind of behavior that is necessary to defeat bigotry and toxicity.
Before I begin, let me start of by saying this: yes, misandry is real.
However, misandry is not evil.
Confused? You shouldn’t be. Misogyny is the enforcement of patriarchy, designed to plant a foot firmly on the face of women worldwide. Misandry is simply a natural reaction to patriarchy.
Compare it to terrorism. We hate terrorists because they drive fear into the hearts of everyday citizens. We do not want them to accomplish their goal of harming us, nor do we want to be bound by the fear of their violent threats. We have a desire to fight against them because we want to protect ourselves from them, as well as prevent their ideology from spreading.
Think of misandry as a sort of anti-terrorism. Except in this case, the patriarchy are the terrorists.
Would you not hate an abusive person? Is it not reasonable to despise those people who actively harm you? Then why is it that hating men is so condemned? If it’s perfectly normal to have contempt for the people that directly benefit from your oppression, why is misandry seen as the opposite equivalent of misogyny?
Misandry is a necessity in a world where women are made to apologize after a man exploits them.
People don’t seem to understand why we use “it’s 2016″ or “it’s the current year” in our arguments.
It’s the shorthand version of “this is long overdue, why are we just now getting to it?”
It’s the current year. Some of our society’s problems with obvious solutions still haven’t been rectified. No excuse is good enough.
With a title like that, I’ve more than likely made some of the people reading this more than a little bit uncomfortable. I’m sure there are some of you out there right now, thinking, “She’s going to call me a racist, isn’t she? I dare her to try.” Even more of you are likely thinking that no matter what, you couldn’t possibly be a racist. You have black friends, or judge people by the content of their character, or voted for President Obama, or never use racial slurs.
Those of you who are so adamant about ensuring that you are not racists, I have bad news. You’re probably racist.
To dispel the first argument to drip from my critics’ lips—no, not everyone can be a victim of racism. And to dispel the inevitable follow-up argument, racism is not simply “prejudice, stereotyping, or discrimination on the basis of race.”
Racism began through conquering certain people groups, and has been facilitated through the enslavement of those groups. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, referred to non-Greeks as “barbarians,” the equivalent of uncivilized human beings, in order to justify the persecution and enslavement of non-Greek peoples. Of course, throughout the centuries, this idea of the “uncivilized man” would continue to evolve, until it began to describe native Africans. The Tunisian scholar Ibn Khaldun referred to native Africans as “humans who are closer to dumb animals than to rational beings,” justifying the enslavement of their race. “Therefore,” he continues, “the Negro nations are, as a rule, submissive to slavery, because (Negroes) have little that is (essentially) human and possess attribute that are quite similar to those of dumb animals, as we have stated.” Even the term “Negro,” coined by Portuguese traders in 1442, was coined to effectively divide the white Europeans from the black Africans, thus relegating them to the “other.”
This concept of “othering” would be the basis on establishing the concept of race, which is nothing more than an attempt to divide humans based on skin color and common physical traits associated with that color. In all instances, the white European race were seen as having the most desirable skin color and associated traits, establishing their “superiority,” which is the driving force behind racism. Because of the white Europeans establishing themselves at the top of the pyramid centuries ago, the prejudices associated with being “non-white” continue to be perpetuated today. White Europeans effectively colonized a grand majority of the world, bringing their prejudices with them and using them for the purposes of subjugation, as history notes in the transatlantic slave trade, the conquering of Native American tribes, and British Imperial rule over India, Australia, Africa, and the Asian Pacific. Because these practices of subjugation were so effective, no other conquered nation but India has been able to emerge as more than a global Middle Power. The only other non-white Great Powers, China and Japan, benefit from their absence in European colonization and global slave trades, and from the many positive stereotypes attributed to East Asian races. It can also be theorized that the lighter skin tone of East Asians allows for a certain degree of privilege among non-white races, as darker-skinned Asians are more likely to be discriminated against for their race. This is why we use the term “people of color” to define disprivileged races.
What do these effects have to do with racism? Everything. By establishing themselves not only as the “superior” race since the coining of the term, but also effectively preventing the dark-skinned races from attaining global power, white Europeans have firmly established themselves as the privileged class, worldwide. They have not experienced oppression based on the sole status of skin color (anti-Irish prejudice does not count, as their oppression was less about race and more about anti-Catholic and classist practices). They have not had their lands stolen and their people systemically eradicated through genocidal practices. Their nations have never been considered “third-world countries.” Therefore, we can say, without a shadow of a doubt, that the white race is the only one that can claim to be outright privileged.
Because race was established as a system to “other” for the purposes of division and oppression, it is foolish to believe that racism is any more than the result of power and privilege working in tandem. As we’ve established, the white race has seized both, and remains in control of both in our global society. And, because racism has been used through history to justify subjugation and to further cement the white race as “superior,” it is equally foolish to say that anyone but the white race can engage in racism or hold racist views. To clarify, this does not mean that people of color cannot be prejudiced, but that they cannot use such prejudices for the purpose of perpetuating institutional powers in order to subjugate others based on race. In short, racism is power plus privilege.
And now for the bad news: Any white person reading this essay is indeed a racist, no matter how much you wish to deny it.
Allow me to explain. A racist is one who is both privileged and socialized on the basis of race by the system that sees the white race as “superior” (a white supremacist system). Because whites worldwide fall into this category, all whites should be considered racists. It is important to note that racism is not a state of mind, nor is it always an individual action. Racism is the result of whites seizing global power over other races, and exploiting that to etch the idea of white supremacy into the minds of other races. Once again, because whites are not and cannot be discriminated against on the sole basis of race, they cannot be victims of racism. “Reverse racism,” or the idea that whites can be victims of individual acts of prejudice on the basis of race, is a term used to deny the fact of white privilege. It is often used out of ignorance of how racism is defined, as well as the misconception that people of color acting out of prejudice against the white race is somehow morally wrong. Though unjustified violent acts and sexual crimes will always be moral wrongs, regardless of who commits the crimes, prejudice against the white race on the sole purpose of race is not a moral wrong, and never will be, for as long as the white race holds worldwide institutional power.
What, then, is a non-racist? This term was created by whites to deny their responsibility and complacency in systemic racism, in order to maintain their innocence in the face of racial oppression, and to shift the responsibility to people of color. This is, in effect, victim-blaming. The responsibility for perpetuating, legitimizing, and benefiting from a racist system lies with those who actively maintain it and those who refuse to challenge it. To remain silent in the face of oppression is to consent to it. Being apathetic to it may as well be the same as vocally supporting it. However, being a vocal anti-racist is not enough to suddenly wipe racism from a white person. So long as the structure stands, whites will always be racist. If white people want to clear themselves of their racism, they must do their part in ensuring that these structures are dismantled completely. Inequality comes in all forms, and in our global society, the challenge is to destroy white supremacy wherever it may stand—even if it means radically transforming the nations that perpetuate it.
However, if you are more concerned with absolving yourself of the label of “racist,” you will never lose that label. Your goal, as a white person, should be the end of racism for the benefit of people of color, not the benefit of yourself. A racist will go out of their way to fight any accusation of racism, all while exhibiting textbook racism. You are not a racist because you treat people equally. You are not a racist because you admire the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. You are not a racist because you support Black Lives Matter. You are a racist because of your heritage and because you refuse to renounce that heritage and dismantle everything it stands for. You cannot (supposedly) hate racism while still loving everything that enables racism and stems from the fact that we live in a white supremacist culture. It’s the equivalent of calling yourself a vegan as long as you didn’t kill the animal, even though it’s perfectly fine for you to load and hand over the gun that did the killing.
“But not all white people,” right? Of course, some people may bear the mark of a racist, but certainly you don’t, right? Consider that by saying such things, you state that reinforcing your own self-image or reputation is of more importance than acknowledging the immorality of white privilege, and the harm faced by its victims, who have their pain flung back in their faces because they should cater to your sensibilities first and foremost. Further, you ignore the possibility that you are enabling such structures of privilege and any responsibility you had in perpetuating it. Even if you were hypothetically innocent of perpetrating racism, you are invalidating the struggles of people of color who have to climb uphill every day just to get to the place you were born at. Do you honestly think things would be better if, when discussing how whites are racist, we pointed to you and said, “You’re the exception, though”?
If you are white, and you are not an active anti-racist, you are a racist. Period.
“The necessity of proof always lies with the person who lays charges,” as the saying goes. This idea has so permeated our idea human rights, it has even become a logical fallacy to shift the burden of proof to the “defendant” in the matter.
The presumption of innocence uses three rules in its execution. First, that the plaintiff/prosecution (accuser) has the entire burden of proof with regards to the essential facts of the case—that the accusation is valid in relation to the defendant (accused). Second, that the defendant has no burden of proof whatsoever, and can elect not to testify or present evidence, and that this decision will not be used against them. Third, that any judge or jury cannot let their own presumptions affect their ruling, and the case must be decided solely on evidence presented during trial.
However, in the legal sense, the presumption of innocence is inherently biased. Take into account what the initial idea is in fact saying: “Let’s assume that the accuser is lying.” From the start, the deck is stacked against the accuser, which some may see as perfectly reasonable. If there is sufficient proof to corroborate the accuser’s accounts, then a presumption of innocence would not matter, correct? This is also a flawed assumption, as it places responsibility on the accuser to provide evidence to validate their claims, evidence that may not always be present.
Take, for example, an accusation of rape. If a woman revokes consent during sex, but a man continues with intercourse, she has been raped. She did not record the incident, nor has any evidence outside of her claim. Should such an incident be taken to court, the man would be acquitted, based on the burden of proof being on the accuser. In spite of the fact that a crime has been committed, the man would not have to defend himself, as he has no burden of proof whatsoever. Therefore, he would be acquitted of the crime, based solely on the presumption of innocence.
Consider this: All criminals are considered innocent until proven guilty, but all victims are considered liars until proven otherwise.
How does that make you feel? Does it make you confident that justice will prevail in our legal system? Remember that the system has failed many times before; many guilty criminals have been exonerated by the clause of “reasonable doubt,” which in itself is problematic. The “reasonable person,” in such examples, is only defined by how individuals idealize rational-mindedness. In such, the standard for what is “reasonable” will differ from person to person. Using the rape example once more, someone’s idea of a “reasonable person” may be one who understands affirmative consent, while another person’s may believe that intoxicated people may freely give their consent. This may put the undereducated or people of lower income at a disadvantage, not understanding the standards of “reasonable doubt.” And, of course, there exists the judgment notwithstanding verdict, where a judge may overrule a guilty verdict if they believe the jury did not understand “reasonable doubt” to an expected level (as with Liebeck v. McDonald’s). When even the legal system acknowledges that the concept of reasonable doubt does not work, how can we expect justice to be done accordingly?
There exists the idea of mob justice, of course. Although frowned upon openly, the idea still exists within the concept of public shaming. George Zimmerman, for example, may have been acquitted of the murder of Trayvon Martin, but he has still been deemed guilty by the civilian populace, and shamed repeatedly by the media as a result. Although he may not see jail time for his crime, he will forever be known as a racist murderer, and has had his reputation completely tarnished. In some ways, this is a worse fate for him than a prison sentence, being cast out as a social pariah for the remainder of his days.
Let’s walk things back for a moment. The problems with the justice system are not limited to the presumption of innocence and the standard of reasonable doubt. There exists another issue that is much deeper—one that permeates our modern society. As you may have guessed, I’m talking about racism.
Blacks are statistically more likely to be arrested than whites. They are more likely to remain in prison awaiting trial than whites, receive sentences 10% longer than whites for the same crimes, are more likely to waive their right to trial for a reduced sentence (even when they are innocent!), and represent the largest population of inmates. Additionally, black males born after 2001 are five times more likely to receive a prison sentence than white males. By comparison, Latino males are three times more likely than whites to be imprisoned. Consider this, as well: ex-convicts are more likely to receive callbacks from employers if they are white (17% get calls back) than if they are black (only 5%). The evidence is clear: the justice system is not blind, much less colorblind.
The system privileges the wrong people. The defendants have a distinct privilege, not being required to prove themselves innocent—unless, of course, they don’t happen to be white. What can we do about these issues? Nothing simple, unfortunate to say. We would essentially have to tear down the current justice system and rebuild it in order to make it truly just.
College campuses have disciplinary hearings that our justice system can learn from. For example, they operate on a preponderance of evidence, meaning that “reasonable doubt” is not the standard of proof, in favor of “more likely than not.” Defendants are required to prove that they are innocent, instead of leaving the burden of proof on the accuser. While some may say that this is equivalent to a standard of “guilty until proven innocent,” it is not quite that. The standard of proof is on both parties, maintaining a balance between accusations and defense. Instead of one judge, or a jury of peers that could be manipulated, a committee presides over hearings, and delivers the final verdict. This is significantly closer to perfect procedural justice than our current system entails.
However, there are times where it does take mob justice to deliver justice. If our system fails to act where it should in punishing the guilty and exonerating the innocent, it is up to the people to take justice into their own hands, and do what they must in order to ensure that righteousness is delivered properly. Whether this be through the aforementioned public shaming, or through more violent means (such as riots against structural injustices and inequalities), it is the duty of our society to ensure that we achieve and maintain true social justice.
The framers of our the United States Constitution have often been romanticized as some of the wisest men to ever walk the earth. Criticizing the ones who shaped the United States is tantamount to treason. Similarly, the US Constitution is held up as an faultless document—the gold standard of how to run a nation. Within that, the Bill of Rights holds a particular reverence, shaping the very ideas of inalienable rights for Americans. Most important of these rights is the freedom of speech, guaranteed by the First Amendment. “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech,” it reads. Simple and straightforward, the right to free expression is guaranteed.
Consider in recent years that there have been limits imposed on free speech. In the case of Miller v. California, the Supreme Court deemed that obscenities were not considered protected speech. Obscenity, according to the Miller test, is anything that an average person, “applying contemporary community standards,” would find offensive or objectionable. Similarly, speech is not considered protected if it constitutes a reckless or intentional infliction of emotional distress, though the Supreme Court has only extended this to speech against private figures (Hustler v. Falwell prevented it from covering public figures). In Virginia v. Black, it was ruled that speech intended to intimidate, such as cross-burning, is not Constitutionally protected.
The common ground that these rulings stand on is the idea that contemporary community standards define the speech that we do not consider free, as such speech can cause real-world harm. As humans, it is our responsibility to minimize harm wherever possible, and speech is no exception to this rule. Speech can be used to destroy lives, to dehumanize people groups, and to influence others to cause harm. We acknowledge the dangers that certain forms of speech have. Therefore, it is only reasonable that speech that glorifies or otherwise supports standards that are not welcome in our contemporary community should be prohibited.
Unrestricted free speech is not a right, it is a threat. It allows for the spread of ideas that can cause a clear and present danger to others, whether it be individuals or entire groups of people. The Supreme Court has acknowledged as much by restricting speech that seeks to intimidate, “fighting words,” and obscenity. It is important that we recognize that it is not the words that deserve restriction, but the ideas behind them. Our contemporary community has already deemed forms of bigotry such as racism and sexism as unacceptable, and those who exhibit such ideas are rightfully ostracized. However, the ideas remain, and the concept of free expression is to blame for it. Groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, Neo-Nazis, Mens Rights Activists, the Westboro Baptist Church, among others, are given the right to demonstrate, so long as they are “peaceful.” Consider though, that the ideas that these groups espouse have been used in the past to disparage others, and to justify oppression and even murder. It stands to reason that the expression of such ideas, because of the harm they have led to in the past, should neither be considered peaceful, nor should they be remotely protected under any rule of law. Again, because we recognize and accept that these ideas are objectionable in our contemporary community, they should not be expressed, both because of their destructive capabilities and because their expression contributes to their survival. By continuing to say things like “protecting free speech means protecting unpopular ideas,” we allow the spread of bigotry, hatred, and the violence that goes hand-in-hand with them. And by that, we are implicit in the crimes associated with them.
There is a common misconception with the idea of free expression as an absolute right. We must acknowledge that freedom of speech is nothing more than a legal right, and as such, can be subjected to limits. In fact, there is no country in which freedom of speech is an absolute right, being subjected to limitations based on obscenity and incitement to commit crimes. Concordantly, we must recognize that limits must be placed on rights such as the freedom of expression when social values conflict. Some would argue that the government should not exercise such powers, since it would be considered a form of unethical control or outright tyranny. This stands in contrast to the harm principle, coined by John Stuart Mill, author of On Liberty. The harm principle states that, “The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others.”
As previously detailed, the unrestricted right to free speech will ultimately give safe harbor to harmful ideas, which ultimately lead to harmful actions. Because these exercises of free speech can be linked to physical violence, psychological trauma, and social harm, it is necessary to modify the harm principle into the offense principle, which is as follows: “The purpose for which limitations can rightfully be exercised over the free expression of ideas in a civilized community, against the will of the speaker, is to prevent harm, where the expression of ideas cause more harm than the exercising of such freedom of expression.” Because the easiest way to judge whether or not an idea is harmful is through offensiveness, that is, that it would be considered objectionable to a reasonable person applying contemporary community standards, the nature of the offense principle is necessary to decide what limitations should be placed on speech in order to prevent harm.
Some would challenge that the idea of setting limits on free speech is effectively censorship, and the only way that offensive speech should be countered is with more speech, through the rationale of the marketplace of ideas (the concept that free speech should be treated as free-market capitalism, where inferior or negative ideas and speech will be culled through competition with other ideas and speech). Censorship is widely seen as a negative concept, because of its use to suppress criticism of certain ideas, yet there are forms of censorship that we are perfectly fine with, such as censoring material to protect children, or to prevent slander and libel, or to control obscenity, as has been discussed. Censorship can be used for the sake of good, and the idea that censorship, being “objectively evil,” is always a threat to free speech and individual liberty, is often used to defend harmful ideas and expressions. The thought that these objectionable ideas can only be defeated with “more speech” is also preposterous. To eliminate harmful ideas from our culture permanently, the root cause of the problem (the expression of those ideas) must be eliminated. In this way, we can treat the problem, rather than its symptoms. Yes, if we are to prevent harm, we must advocate for censorship.
We, as a society, have a collective obligation to protect one another from harm. Human security should be considered a basic human right, but is not, because of persistent imbalances of social power. These imbalances give certain societal advantages to specific demographics, called “privileges.” You may have heard of the concepts of white privilege or male privilege, for example. These are in reference to the advantages that people of the white race have over others in Western society, and the similar advantages that men have over women, respectively.
What does this have to do with preventing harm and free speech? Everything, to be fair. Free speech inherently favors the privileged. The people with the most disadvantages are often silenced and spoken over, ultimately devaluing their ideas. Concordantly, ideas that disparage the disprivileged are still allowed, and are defended under the concept of free speech. The imbalance of power through speech is obvious. To defend free speech is to defend oppression.
Many free speech advocates in the United States refer to the Constitution, and how the right to expression without government limitation was the First Amendment to the document, denoting the importance of the free exchange of ideas. Consider that the Constitution is not a faultless document. The Eighteenth Amendment was ratified, and later repealed with the Twenty-first Amendment, showing that we are capable of both recognizing the mistakes that we make in lawmaking, as well as proving that we can repeal constitutional amendments. If we are capable of acknowledging that the current ideals of free speech granted by the First Amendment are both too broad and afford too much power to the privileged class, it stands to reason that we would be capable of repealing the Free Speech Clause and replacing it with a more appropriate substitute that will better prevent harmful ideas from manifesting.
This task will be difficult because of the sacrosanct nature of both the Constitution as a document and its Framers. This idealized version of the Founding Fathers ignores the faults that these men possessed. Most notably, their prejudices towards people of color and women. The Constitution’s idea of “We the People of the United States” only recognizes white men who own property. It does not acknowledge those people of African origin, relegating them to “three fifths of all other Persons” in Article 1, Section 2, Clause 3. It does not acknowledge those people of native American origins, as evidenced in the conquering of native territories to establish the what would become the United States. It does not recognize women, nor anyone who does not own property, as these people could not vote, hold political office, or enter into contacts of any sort. We may like to idealize the Constitution and our Founding Fathers as champions of freedom and equity under the law, but the ugly truth is that the United States was founded by the privileged for the privileged, and, as it is our duty as a society to prevent harm, so it is our obligation to tear down the structures that allow harm to be perpetuated.
While this is only a solution for the problem of free speech in the United States, it would not be impossible for other nations to follow suit, or to enact their own censorship policies on their own merit, because this is not an issue that is limited to the United States. Because we now live in a globalized culture, we must acknowledge that our contemporary society must transcend national borders, so that we may establish equality for all humans, worldwide. The elimination of unsafe, undesirable thinking is a necessary step to establishing true justice in our time.
